Photo: Karim Kadim/Associated Press
Muntader al-ZaidiOver a month after he threw his shoes at George W. Bush in Baghdad, Iraqi journalist Muntader al-Zaidi remains in prison and is currenlty requesting
political asylum in Switzerland. Alternatively, he could remain in prison for fifteen years, or, possible but not likely, be assassinated. He'll probably never surface in American news media again unless there's controversy surrounding a European country that accepts him: i.e., if France were to welcome him with open arms. He's had his fifteen minutes of fame, and it's over.
However, his highly public insult will be come up in an arguably more important place: history books. In most accounts of Bush's presidency or of the Iraq war of any length, Zaidi's flying shoes will be mentioned, putting an extra stamp of public outrage on Bush's already abysmal approval ratings, and maybe even prompting the hypothetical historian to mention 2008 estimates of the
Iraqi death toll. In its visibility and its execution, Zaidi's gesture functioned as a perfect symbol. And we still care about symbols in America - but only if they almost hit someone in the face.
Let's watch that clip again, shall we?
(It's about thirty seconds in.)
Here's why it's a big deal: George W. Bush, international symbol of the military might, hubris, and policy ineptitude of the United States, was reduced to
a physical body dodging a shoe. After the incident, commentators were talking about his
quick reflexes, as if we were reading sports, not political news. He had passed from one realm into another. For a brief moment, the image of George Bush, resented by frustrated millions around the world, was incarnated out of the world of symbols and into physical reality. He's only human, after all. And all this on his last appearance in Iraq as president. Zaidi couldn't have timed it better. The very slippage between assault and insult that has Zaidi in such murky legal waters is also that which makes his gesture such an effective one.
Now, any lit crit people reading this may see where this is going. As Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Žižek
points out, media consumers in the West don't particularly care about pure symbols anymore. We're entirely too anaesthetized for them to affect us in a substantive way. Most of us only pay attention when our cherished symbols are ground into the mud of everyday physical experience: photos of a celebrity gaining weight in a sadistic supermarket magazine to titillate a [perhaps obese him/herself] middle-aged person, a president or a
governor brought down by sexual scandal. 'They're just like us,' is the message these stories send. 'The fact that these people, and not us, are in these positions of fame and power is arbitrary. Since they've been revealed to be just like us,' so the sentiment goes, 'Perhaps
we can be like them without all that much effort.' Hence the popularity of American Idol and all the other campy parodies of the tired old American Dream story. The fantasy of the easy interchangeability of the "
average man" with a celebrity or a political leader not only keeps millions of struggling Americans relatively satsified, but it also fuels our pervasive anti-intellectualism and allows politicians to evade much of the outrage over bad policy decisions that they would experience in other countries,
like Britain. I.e., 'Oh well. Political decisions are hard.
I certainly couldn't figure it out, with all that pressure. They were just trying to protect our freedom, in
Abu Ghraib. So, they may have been a little excessive.' And we on the left get red-faced about it and play into the boring narrative of cultural controversy, and nothing is done.
Žižek makes his point about the inefficacy of pure symbols with an example from the buildup to the Iraq war:
"The big demonstrations in London and Washington against the US attack on Iraq a few years ago offer an exemplary case of this strange symbiotic relationship between power and resistance. Their paradoxical outcome was that both sides were satisfied. The protesters saved their beautiful souls: they made it clear that they don’t agree with the government’s policy on Iraq. Those in power calmly accepted it, even profited from it: not only did the protests in no way prevent the already-made decision to attack Iraq; they also served to legitimise it. Thus George Bush’s reaction to mass demonstrations protesting his visit to London, in effect: ‘You see, this is what we are fighting for, so that what people are doing here – protesting against their government policy – will be possible also in Iraq!’"
I remember participating in a few of these protests in 2003, holding a little candle on Main Street in Honesdale, Pennsylvania, and feeling good about myself while people driving by gave us the finger and did that jacking off in the air gesture. But the war went on, and such protests mean nothing if they stop at symbolic distancing and don't somehow lead to genuinely political action.
Bush employed the same strategy that Žižek points to, in miniature, to shrug off the significance of the Zaidi incident. "That's what people do in free countries, they call attention to themselves," he said in a press conference. While Bush smiles and tells a joke about Zaidi's shoe size, you can hear his screams in the background as he's being beaten.
What a perfect symbol for the Democrats' (until the election of Barack Obama) tepid response to the Iraq war. We all sat around and stewed about it, and Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi played chicken with George Bush about cutting off funds for it but ultimately balked. But at least they tried, right?
Wrong.
The point is not our integrity. The point is all the dead Iraqis and Americans. A genuine political response to violence of this magnitude must have as its ultimate aim the preservation of material stuff.
We can argue all we want about spirituality, identity, where consciousness arises from, human rights, etc. etc., but I'm pretty sure that it's all moot when you splatter someone's cranial matter across a shopping thoroughfare.
Most Americans, I'd imagine, focused on Zaidi's first comment: "This is a gift from the Iraqis; this is the farewell kiss, you dog!" It allows stereotypes about Arabs to be preserved and gives the whole incident the same titillating quality as a scandal in a supermarket tabloid. 'What a kooky Arab! George Bush almost got hit with a shoe!' Perhaps most of them stopped there. But it's Zaidi's second comment that makes him a hero to aspire to, not a celebrity to be torn down for our amusement: "This is from the widows, the orphans and those who were killed in Iraq!". This, we don't want to think about. Zaidi's integrity would shame us.
Rick Warren

AP Photo/Hector Mata
There are lessons here for how to respond to the [vast] implications of another symbolic event, Obama's choice of Rick Warren to give the benediction at his inauguration tomorrow. Beneath all the rhetoric about community, it's a fundamental leftist (or at least anti-laissez-faire) gambit that many people need to be rescued from the consequences of their own political opinions, influenced as they are by various ideologies. "Individual liberty" is not an immediate end, but rather a possible means toward social formations that are better suited to human needs (or, if you have post-humanist leanings, the conditions necessary for the biosphere to function healthily with some level of thought occurring in it) [6/21/09 Update: In retrospect, this sounds very Brave New World of me. Of course individual liberty should be an end in itself, just not the only one. My socialist histrionics here were a reaction against right-wing overemphasis on a severely circumscribed notion of free will that pays little attention to the material constraints in which that will is exercised, rather than the result of clear deliberation. See also protest masculinity. Vicki Mahaffey puts it well when she writes of Virginia Woolf's fiction, "When we privilege the separateness of a person by isolating that person from the people who shaped his or her individual development, the result is a trick, a distortion, a lie." The conception of the human agent underpinning laissez-faire economic policies seems to privilege such a distortion.]
However, beneath much conservative religious resentment of the left/secularism is a conviction that it wants to take individual volition away. To them, individual volition, not socialized healthcare, is necessary for moral rectitude. If the American government embraces more socialistic policies, it will take one more responsibility away from churches, that of caring for the sick. In societies with lower amounts of the destitute, if I understand the logic, people will have less opportunities to exercise their free will for moral ends.
Now, this fetishization of free will is a bit silly, of course, when we have all this threatened stuff to protect. "Creation care," Rick Warren calls it: human bodies, the rising climate, the rest of the biosphere. But until we have a globalized view of human need, we will simply perpetuate the culture wars by defending conflicting identities. Short story writer George Saunders puts it well in his essay, "Manifesto: A Press Release from PRKA":
"Last Thursday, my organization, People Reluctant to Kill For An Abstraction (PRKA), orchestrated an overwhelming show of force around the globe. At precisely nine in the morning, working with focus and stealth, our entire membership succeeded in simultaneously beheading no one. At nine thirty, we embarked upon Phase II, during which our entire membership simultaneously did not force a single man to simulate sex with another man. At ten, Phase III began, during which not a single one of us blew himself/herself up in a crowded public place. No civilians were literally turned inside out via our powerful explosives. No previously funny person was reduced to a baggy pile of bloody leaking flesh, by us, during this Phase of our operation."
This notion of the ridiculous fragility of human beings should always be at the back of our minds when we participate in political debate. Our ideas and identities as such ultimately depend upon these frail flesh casings that are necessary for any of the former to arise at all.
Ergo, with this end in mind, for real political progress to occur, the left must make inroads with religious people, as the Obama campaign has. Those of us with secular leanings may not find the idea of cozying up to people who claim, as the Creation Care people linked to above do, that "environmental problems are sin problems," but we must ask ourselves: Do we or do we not actually care about the environment? Do we care about it more than feeling good about ourselves for caring about the environment rather than things like "sin"? I hope so, because the latter option is petulant and useless.
There is no effective American left without a religous left. Howard Dean, whose brilliance as a political strategist is clear now, spoke at Temple a few months ago and mentioned how Democratic appeals to young evangelicals were seeing success because of the Dems' focus on the top three issues of evangelical Christians under thirty-five, as reported in a recent survey: global poverty, the environment, and Darfur. "These are Democratic issues," Dean said. He's quite dynamic, in person.
A very large percentage of Americans are religious, and that's not going to change anytime soon. As sociologist Peter L. Berger puts it,
"The religious impulse, the quest for meaning that transcends the restricted space of empirical existence in the world, has been a perennial feature of humanity. (This is not a theological statement but an anthropological one - an agnostic or even an atheist philosopher may well agree with it.) It would require something close to a mutation of the species to extinguish this impulse for good. The more radical thinkers of the Enlightenment and their more recent intellectual descendants hoped for something like this, of course. So far it has not happened, and as I have argued, it is unlikely to happen in the foreseeable future. The critique of secularity common to all the resurgent movements is that human existence bereft of transcendence is an impoverished and finally untenable position."
I apologize for the extended quotation from Berger, but it's quite a zinger:
"There is no reason to think that the world of the twenty-first century will be any less religious than the world is today. A minority of sociologists of religion have been trying to salvage the old secularization theory by what I would call the last-ditch thesis: Modernization does secularize, and movements like the Islamic and Evangelical ones represent last-ditch defenses by religion that cannot last; eventually, secularity will triumph - or, to put it less respectfully, eventually Iranian mullahs, Pentecostal preachers, and Tibetan lamas will all think and act like professors of literature at American universities. I find this thesis singularly unpersuasive."
In purely diagnostic terms, people who admire Rick Warren are not a fringe element; people who read literary fiction are. Warren's Christian self-help book, The Purpose Driven Life, has sold over 30 million copies. It's written on a sixth-grade level. You can read the first seven chapters here. I haven't. But from the perspective of someone interested in American culture, I should. It's safe to say that it's a much, much more influential cultural force than the latest Man Booker-prize-winning novel. Granted, I hope to spend my career convincing as many people as possible that engaging with such novels is a better use of their time than reading religious self-help books, but I think it's healthy that we on the left abandon the idea that Americans will adopt this sensibility en masse, even as we do all we can to support greater literacy, empathy, etc.
These are statistics, and while they can be manipulated, I like them very much because of their relationship to material reality. Paradoxically, materialist rhetoric alone is not enough to accomplish materialist aims. It's necessary to talk about things like transcendent values and other totalizing ideas that we bandy around in order to make political progress.
Boring, perhaps, but that's the way of it. I prefer irony, but I'm in a very, very small minority.
Now, the major roadblock here is Warren's support of Proposition 8, which stripped gay couples in California of the right to marry. (The other potential roadblock, Warren's pro-life position, is practically moot with the election of Obama. It's now pretty safe to say that Roe v. Wade isn't going anywhere. Provided he gets the opportunity to appoint Supreme Court justices, attempts to overturn it are largely dead in the water at this point.) This is intolerable. For this reason, those who are angry at Obama's choice of Warren, myself among them - I initially compared his choice to resurrecting racist senator Jesse Helms from the dead and inviting him to the inauguration - are entirely justified in their ire. But that doesn't mean that it will get us any closer to the legalization of gay marriage in as many states as possible.
The true long-term political brilliance of Obama's move is to defang the new religious right of its resentment. Warren is the new face of evangelical Christianity, and Obama's invitation makes it difficult to sustain the feelings of marginilization and minority-under-threat that keep the religious right a reliable voting bloc for Republicans. It's an attempt to dissolve them as a monolithic political force by thrusting them more squarely into the limelight and encouraging their move toward the center. If Obama is as calculating a political thinker as I believe him to be, he has the long-term interests of leftist causes at heart here: softening the religious right and encouraging their increasing emphasis on fighting AIDS, global poverty, and the destruction of the environment. As religion writer Steven Waldman puts it, "Obama opted for spiritual bipartisanship. The move helps to depoliticize prayer -- which, of course, is very politically shrewd."
But damn, does it hurt. In some cases, identity is incredibly important, and the LGBT community does not have the political capital to get symbolically thrown under the bus like this. Yes, it is significant that Warren has recanted his statment equating gay marriage with pedophilia, incest, bestiality, etc. (See his December 22 video). I know that most everyone reading this blog is on such a different register from this kind of hatred that it may not seem like much of a step up, but Warren is listened to by enough Americans that yes, it is. And it's great that he and gay singer Melissa Etheridge seem to have struck up a friendship. But Proposition 8 hurt a lot of people in an area of fundamental human need, that of love and companionship, and that's hard to stomach.
Overall, there's a great deal of insight to realizing that there may be some distance between Obama's rhetorical moves and his policy committments. Ross Douthat of The Atlantic makes an excellent point in this regard:
"A 'non-ideological' liberalism, in our era as in the earlier liberal ascendancy, requires an ideological Left as its foil. In practice, this means that Obama will probably often end up defining himself against progressivism, rhetorically, even when he’s embracing progressive ideas. (See his campaign’s extremely effective health-care ads for an example of how this works in practice.) The President-elect’s ability to hold his coalition together, then, may depend in no small part on whether the Democratic Party’s left wing feels that it’s getting enough out of his Presidency in practice to justify playing the bad guy in the narrative Obama will be selling to the country as a whole, in which post-partisan “whatever works” pragmatism triumphs over ideologues of the left and right alike."
I'm fine with the idea of symbolic political masochism. It's subtle, it's nuanced, and it just might work. It signals a potential way out of the stagnation of the culture wars. But Obama needs to find a rhetorical whipping boy other than the LGBT community, and he needs to champion substantive policy initiatives that support LBGT rights, ideally in his first 100 days in office. If he can cast those rights in the rhetoric of inclusion, and even religious values like charity and love, so much the better. His vocal and public support of ballot initiatives or court decisions legalizing gay marriage or civil unions in individual states would be a great start. These rights, as well as a major American political figure as rhetorically gifted, intelligent, and (I believe) compassionate as Obama, are too important to be ignored.
So who should get thrown under the rhetorical bus instead? That's a tough one. But the Democrats' rhetoric about finding ways to limit the number of abortions (i.e., More funding for childcare and adoption programs, greater emphasis on education about birth control) while keeping them legal is a sound strategy that hurts no one. The rhetoric of values and personal responsibility can be shifted fairly easily to include the environment and the poor abroad. Plus, not only do these issues provide fodder for people's need to feel like responsible moral agents, but they also actually need to be addressed. The Irish poet and senator W.B. Yeats wrote that "Active virtue as distinguished from the passive acceptance of a current code is . . . theatrical, consciously dramatic, the wearing of a mask." So swallow your pride, confrontationally secularist Democrats, and put them on.
An American left combining the fervor, numbers, and organization of religious people with the progressive values of its more traditional base is a coalition tough to hold together but also difficult to defeat. Let's hope (or pray, even, if that suits you) that it will coalesce.
Soon to come: the big holiday retrospective